Why the leftist insanity in all its forms is not a religion and shouldn't be treated line one.
By Auguste Meyrat
It has become common among today’s
conservatives to call environmentalism, socialism, militant feminism,
transgenderism, and other leftist ideologies the modern equivalents of
religion. Whereas in the past, people treated the central ideas of these
movements as ideas like any other—that is, subject to discussion and
evaluation—now, people must treat them with the same reverence and
respect as they would with religion.
Considering the apparent zeal of
climate-change activists and social-justice warriors, one can easily
spot a few other similarities. Like religion, most of these movements
have a transcendent idea akin to a deity, most have a community of sorts
that will come together for a common purpose (mainly protesting), and
most feature a kind of dogmatism distinguishing true from false
believers. And, as exemplified with the 16-year-old activist Greta
Thunberg, these ideologies now have their own saints.
However, the similarities end there, and
insisting that people treat these movements like religions does a
disservice both to religion and the movement itself. In truth, they are
really false idols, idealized fixations devoid of much meaning. This
makes them something less than religions, in terms of their intellectual
and spiritual content. Nevertheless, they are still problematic and
capable of corrupting civilization—particularly a civilization that does
all it can to dispense with religion altogether.
At its most fundamental level, religion
is a system of beliefs, in the form of a creed, while ideology usually
consists of one belief, often in the form of a general notion. This
leads the former to have a system of logic based on these core beliefs
about God (a theology); the latter only has a singular belief that
people can interpret however they like. True, people could do away with
conflicting opinions in ideology by actually studying climatology or
economics (as religious people study holy scripture and tradition), but
few really do—and those that do would likely have different conclusions
about climate change and socialism.
Instead, most adherents of modern
ideologies focus on certain narratives: “Humans, particularly the ones
in first-world countries, are destroying the planet,” “The system is
rigged and the rich are oppressing the poor,” or “The white patriarchy
continues to hold down women and people of color at all levels.” Where
they go with this depends less on logic and more on how much they care.
Those who care deeply become activists joining and organizing various
marches and sit-ins; those who care somewhat become “slacktivists” who
periodically post articles about injustice on social media; and those
who care a little may just vote Democrat and blithely ignore arguments
from the other side.
Although feelings are also important to
religious practice, they do not constitute its foundation. Religious
adherents do not follow a certain moral code, worship a certain way, or
hold certain beliefs because this makes them feel good or look cool, but
because they think they are true. The typical Catholic father who drags
his young children to Mass might not feel much when he is there, but he
accepts the truth that he fulfilling his obligation as a Christian
disciple and receiving special graces from the sacrifice at the altar.
By contrast, the typical hipster may reconsider joining his friends for
climate protest if he doesn’t feel like it and wants to stay in and
binge-watch Netflix instead.
The lack of theology, in turn, affects
how these movements are organized. Because feelings predominate,
specific people will become leaders based on their ability to inspire
feelings instead of having actual credibility or expertise. Even if
Greta Thunberg is a troubled teenager suffering from depression and
Asperger’s Syndrome, or Alexandria Ocasio Cortez is an actress who
originally auditioned for the Justice Democrats in her run for congress,
or Bernie Sanders is an old man who failed at every job except being a
politician, they all generate buzz and make their respective issues
exciting and accessible.
Normally, this kind of hierarchy would
wither in the face of conflicting reality, but a well-funded media and
new technology have pushed perception ever further along and effectively
smothered reality. This is how so many young people genuinely fear
ecological doom despite living in the best of times. This is how so many
college students, perhaps the most privileged group in society,
identify with the proletariat and hope to overturn the very institutions
that made them so privileged in the first place. The messages they see
and hear have normalized these fantastical notions.
All this poses unique problems for
institutions looking to best reconcile these movements with the greater
good of the community. They cannot disprove them because they were never
actually proven. They cannot reform them because they were never
actually formed. They cannot argue against them, because they are never
actually argued. And, these ideologies cannot be adapted to philosophy
or religion (as Pope Francis and his progressive bishops were trying to
do in the recent Amazon Synod) because they are inherently incompatible
with rational systems.
Rather, in order to best handle these
movements based on falsehoods and propaganda, such institutions must
create greater counter-movements based on truth and authentic
experience. This was precisely what the early Christians did when they
encountered idol-worship. They did not attempt to parse through the
dense tangles of each culture’s false beliefs and mythology and make
corrections; they proclaimed a coherent, all-encompassing religion to
replace them. In answering the confused collective of people channeling
their anxiety into idols, they offered a universal community based on
charity.
Too many religious people today seem
averse to confronting these idols, and most non-religious people are
unequipped to properly identify and reject these ideologies as idols.
Moral relativism and mediocre education have made all opinions and
arguments equal and legitimate.
Many conservatives have rightly
attributed the rise of fanatical ideological movements to the
unfulfilled religious longing of people who live in secularized
societies, but this doesn’t really explain the meaning of religious
longing. Religious longing is the longing not just for ceremony, higher
ideals, and shared label, but also a longing for truth, logic, and
engagement.
People fall into these modern idols,
however false and incredible, because there is no authority to offer
something of substance. Therefore, the best way to lead people out of
them is not reasoned rebuttal or disparagement, but a confident faith
and honest friendship.
The featured image is courtesy of Pixabay.
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