Musings of an Old Curmudgeon
The musings and meandering thoughts of a crotchety old man as he observes life in the world and in a small, rural town in South East Nebraska. I hope to help people get to Heaven by sharing prayers, meditations, the lives of the Saints, and news of Church happenings. My Pledge: Nulla dies sine linea ~ Not a day without a line.
07 September 2026
Pope Leo May Have Just Sent a Subtle Message to Bishop Schneider
Leo just sent a message about fraternal correction right after Bishop Athanasius Schneider has repeatedly issued statements and given interviews on the errors of the Second Vatican Council, the New Mass, and Synodality.
Were We Wrong About Medieval Pets?
Traditional Catholic Morning Prayers in English | September
10 Terrifying Catholic Prophecies About the End Times Coming True Now
Spanish Married Couple To Be Considered for Canonization
We need more married couples as Saints as models of family life, but I do wish they would bring back the advocatus diaboli, to question the Canonisations.
From Aleteia
By Philip Kosloski
The Dicastery for the Causes of Saints is currently reviewing the lives of Tomás and Paquita Alvira, a Spanish couple who could be the next canonized married saints.
In recent years the Vatican has received a number of causes for canonization that include married couples. This growing number of holy couples is a reminder that all of us -- and not just priests, bishops, or religious -- are called to be saints.
Most recently the Vatican has received the "positio," or "official biographies" of the lives of Tomás and Paquita Alvira, a Spanish couple who both died in the 1990s.
Who were Tomás and Paquita Alvira?
Born in the early 1900s, Tomás and Paquita Alvira lived in Spain and after the Spanish Civil War, they were married in Saragossa. They went on to have nine children and lived in Madrid for much of their married life.
Tomás was a friend of St. Josemaria Escriva, and traveled on foot with him to escape the persecution of the Spanish Civil War.
Both Tomás and Paquita would eventually become members of Opus Dei, seeking to live out their Catholic faith in their daily lives.
One of their sons, Rafael Alvira, explained the love they had for each other in a talk he gave at the University of Piura in Lima, Peru:
My parents persevered in their eagerness to love one another right to the end of their lives. A friend of one of my sisters told her that she was envious of my parents, because she would see them walking in the street and could tell that they still loved each other as when they were dating. As the years went by, my parents had the same eagerness that they had the day they got married, and their love was always increasing.
Additionally, he said that they respected the freedom of their children:
Respect for freedom. My parents always had a great respect for our freedom. They never pushed us to make a specific decision. For example, at home my parents prayed the Rosary every day. But they never forced us to pray it with them. They prayed it attentively, and although they invited us to join them, they never imposed it on us or insisted that we take part.
If Tomás and Paquita Alvira are eventually canonized saints, they will join the ever increasing list of married couples who lived lives of holiness in the context of family life.
He Runs the SSPX's Top Seminary – And He's Sure the Pope Will One Day Thank Them!
Father Bernard de Lacoste, rector of the SSPX's flagship seminary in Ecône, Switzerland, just made a stunning prediction. He says Pope Leo XIV will one day "acknowledge that he has strayed from Catholic doctrine" and will thank the Society for preserving the traditional liturgy and unabridged faith. But the Vatican sees it differently. Cardinal Gerhard Müller declares the SSPX is in "a state of schism." Cardinal Robert Sarah warns of an "irreversible rupture." The July 1 episcopal consecrations, planned without papal mandate, triggered automatic excommunication. Who is right? Is the SSPX preserving the Church – or breaking it? Watch to understand both sides of the crisis that could reshape Catholicism for generations.
Pope Leo Welcomes New Pro-LGBT Ambassador to the Holy See
From LifeSiteNews
On August 27, Caroline Vermeulen presented her credentials to Pope Leo XIV at the Apostolic Palace, Vatican City, formally beginning her tenure as Belgium’s ambassador to the Holy See. Before her appointment, she participated in “Vienna Pride” marches, promoted LGBT-related initiatives, organized a “Pride Month” screening of the pro-transgender film Girl, and joined International Gender Champions, a network advocating contemporary gender policies.
“Diversity, including gender diversity, in a professional environment improves the quality and results of teamwork. Empowering women through professional mentoring is a vital step toward gender equality. When we invest in women’s growth and stand firm against gender-based biases, we build a future where every woman is empowered to thrive and reach her full potential,” her profile reads on the official website of International Gender Champions, a network bringing together diplomatic missions, international organizations, and other institutions committed to lobbying for gender equality.
READ: Canada’s top newspaper thinks you’re a ‘raging transphobe’
During her four years in Vienna from 2022 to 2026, Vermeulen took part as a member of the Diplomats for Equality contingent and as Belgium’s ambassador in the city’s LGBT “Pride” marches on June 17, 2023, “for the rights of the LGBTIQ+ community,” and on June 14, 2026. The diplomatic group brought together several representatives accredited in Austria in support of LGBT-related causes.
Her participation extended beyond the annual marches. On May 17, 2026, while Vermeulen was Belgium’s ambassador in Vienna, Belgium’s diplomatic representation joined a Diplomats for Equality Vienna statement marking the International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia. The statement affirmed the “equality and dignity of LGBTI people.”
On June 21, 2024, Vermeulen and Carl Hallergård, then the European Union ambassador to international organizations in Vienna, promoted a screening of the Belgian film Girl during the so-called “Pride Month.” Directed by Lukas Dhont, the 2018 film follows a 15-year-old boy who identifies as female and seeks to become a ballet dancer. The event was organized with the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights and the international human-rights film festival “This Human World.”
The Holy See Press Office published Vermeulen’s biographical information and confirmed her audience with Pope Leo XIV but did not disclose details of their conversation. Furthermore, there is no reference to Vermeulen’s gender-oriented policies or to her systematic support for the LGBT cause.
French outlet Tribune Chrétienne noted that Belgium was the second European country to adopt legislation on euthanasia and affirming gender identification, both in violation of Catholic teaching. In 2002, Belgium legalized euthanasia and in 2014 removed an explicit age limit for euthanasia under specified conditions for minors. Belgian law also permits changes to the officially registered sex of a person through a procedure based mostly on self-identification without any medical requirements.
The Christian Life Is Not a Spectator Sport
St Cloud, Confessor
From St. Gregory of Tours, Hist. Fr.1. 3, c. 11, and 18, and from the Life of this saint, with the remarks of Mabillon, Sæc. Ben. 3, p. 136. See Abbe Lebeuf, Hist. du Diocèse de Paris, t. 7, An 1757, Stilting, t. 3, Sept. p. 91.
A. D. 560.
ST. CLOUD, called in Latin Chlodoardus, is the first and most illustrious saint among the princes of the royal family of the first race in France. He was son of Chlodomir king of Orleans, the eldest son of St. Clotilda, and was born in 522. He was scarce three years old when his father was killed in Burgundy in 524; but his grandmother Clotilda brought up him and his two brothers Theobald and Gunthaire at Paris, and loved them extremely. Their ambitious uncles, Childebert king of Paris, and Clotaire, king of Soissons, divided the kingdom of Orleans betwixt them, and stabbed with their own hands the two elder of the nephews, Theobald and Gunthaire, the former being ten, the latter seven years old. Cloud, by a special providence, was saved from the massacre, and cut off his hair with his own hands, by that ceremony renouncing the world, and devoting himself to the service of God in a monastic state. He had many fair opportunities of recovering his father’s kingdom; but, young as he was, he saw by the light of grace that all that appears most dazzling in worldly greatness is no better than smoke, and that a Christian gains infinitely more by losing than by possessing it. In the true estimation of things, he most emphatically deserves to be styled a king who is master of himself, and has learned the art of ruling those passions to which kings are often miserably enslaved. This victory over himself the pious prince gained, and constantly maintained by humility, meekness, and patience, by austerity of life, watchfulness, assiduous prayer, and holy contemplation. By this means he enjoyed in a little cell a peace which was never interrupted by scenes of ambition or vanity, and he tasted in the service of God too solid a joy to think of exchanging it for the racking honors or bitter pleasures of a false world, or of converting the tranquillity and real delight which he possessed into the dangers, confusion, and perplexity of a court. Coarse clothing gave him more satisfaction than the richest purple could have done; he enjoyed in his own breast and in his cell all he desired to possess in this world, and he daily thanked God who had drawn him out of Babylon before he was infected with its corrupting and intoxicating Circean wine. His contempt of all earthly things increased in proportion as he advanced in virtue and heavenly light.
After some time he removed from his first abode to put himself under the discipline of St. Severinus, a holy recluse who lived near Paris, from whose hands he received the monastic habit. Under this experienced master the fervent novice made great progress in Christian perfection; but the neighborhood of Paris being a trouble to him who desired nothing so much as to live unknown to the world, he withdrew secretly into Provence, where he passed several years, and wrought many miracles. Seeing he gained nothing by the remoteness of his solitude, after his hermitage was once made public by many resorting to him, he at length returned to Paris, and was received with the greatest joy imaginable. At the earnest request of the people he was ordained priest by Eusebius, bishop of Paris, in 551, and served that church some time in the functions of the sacred ministry. He afterward retired to Nogent on the Seine, now called St. Cloud, two leagues below Paris, where he built a monastery dependent on the church of Paris. In this monastery he assembled many pious men, who fled out of the world for fear of losing their souls in it. St. Cloud was regarded by them as their superior, and he animated them to all virtue both by word and example. All his inheritance he bestowed on churches, or distributed among the poor; the village of Nogent he settled on the episcopal see of Paris, as is mentioned in the letters patent, by which this place was erected into a duchy and peerage in favor of the archbishop.1 St. Cloud was indefatigable in instructing and exhorting the people of the neighboring country, and piously ended his days at Nogent about the year 560. He is commemorated in the Roman Martyrology on the 7th of September, which seems to have been the day of his death. The monastery has been since changed into a collegiate church of canons, where the relics of the saint are still kept, and the place bears his name.
John Picus, prince of Mirandula, who died in the year 1494, the thirty second of his age, a prodigy of wit and learning, and after his conversion from the love of applause and pleasure had lived a truly Christian philosopher, expressed himself on the happiness of holy retirement and contempt of the world as follows:2 “Many think it a man’s greatest happiness in this life to enjoy dignity and power, and to live in the plenty and splendor of a court; but of these you know I have had a share; and I can assure you I could never find in my soul true satisfaction in anything but in retreat and contemplation. I am persuaded the Cæsars, if they could speak from their sepulchres, would declare Picus more happy in his solitude than they were in the government of the world; and if the dead could return, they would have chosen the pangs of a second death rather than risk their salvation a second time in public stations.”
Ss Alchmund & Tilberht, Confessors, Bishops of Hexham in Northumberland
Collect of St Cloud, Confessor - Indulgenced on the Saint's Feast (See Note)
According to the Apostolic Penitentiary, a partial indulgence is granted to those who, on the feast of any Saint, recite in his honour the oration of the Missal or any other approved by legitimate Authority.
Let us pray.
O God, who makest us glad by the yearly solemnity of Thy Blessed Confessor, Cloud, mercifully grant that we who honour his birthday may also imitate his good deeds.
Collect of Ss Alchmund & Tilberht, Bishops & Confessors ~ Indulgenced on the Saints' Feast (See Note)
Let us pray.
06 September 2026
The Tabernacle Debate Is Front and Center
Did the Holy Ghost and Holy Mother Church get it wrong for 1500 years, or did the liturgical "reformers" have their heads where the sun don't shine?
From Crisis
By John M. Grondelski, PhD
The argument for the placement of the tabernacle off the side was based on the idea of a so-called "return to the sources," because the Holy Spirit apparently got it wrong for over 1500 years.
“Stop Moving the Tabernacle!” exclaims Michael Sean Winters in the National Catholic Distorter Reporter. His cri de coeur comes from the renovation of St. Patrick’s Cathedral in Norwich, Connecticut, which restored the tabernacle to the center of the former altar, on the main axis of the cathedral. Winters laments that at least three other cathedrals have restored the tabernacle to “the central focal point of the sanctuary.”
Sorry, but Winters’ “stop moving the tabernacle” ranks up there for me with “feel sorry for me because I’m an orphan…after I shot my parents!” I didn’t hear any such standing athwart in the 1960s when none of the faithful but a couple of liturgists decided to relegate the Blessed Sacrament to corners and closets. Perhaps we were not yet sufficiently “synodal” to take seriously the average Catholic’s protests of the time.
Behind Winters’ defense is the assumption that renovations a half century ago that moved the tabernacle off “the central focal point of the sanctuary” were correct and their reversal is liturgical regression. Winters plies all the usual lines: “Eucharist is a verb before it is a noun.” “The Mass [a term revisionist sacramental theology generally eschews] is…the source and summit of our faith.”
Of course, most of these lines also depend on other assumptions—which a half century of “experience” (the otherwise sacred talisman of the synodal church) of faithful Catholics suggests were wrong. After all, the phenomenon of lost faith in the Real Presence and lost reverence in churches is evident. Yes, there may be many different causes for it, e.g., deficient catechesis. But I’d also suggest one reason is what your symbolism says. A reality located in “the central focal point of the sanctuary” says this is important; a reality you have to search for in the corners says it isn’t.
Do the faith and experience (notice which I think is more important) of the Catholics still going to church and still believing in the Real Presence say something about the adequacy of the theology (or at least its “pastoral application” in ecclesiastical architecture) of the “shuffle-off-the-tabernacle” crowd? Or is that phenomenon to be explained away by reference to aging and deceased liturgists who, in the 1960s, decided otherwise?
And, while we’re speaking of those theologians, I want to reject another principle that many of them hold sacred: the notion of the absolute normativity of the Church of the first five centuries, the Ecclesia quinque saeculorum. According to the liturgists of that era, the Church’s liturgy should be stripped of the barnacles that accreted over the ensuing 1,500 years, something Vatican II supposedly undertook. It was the logic of “return to the sources.”
I do not deny the importance of the “return to the sources.” But implicit in that slogan is an assumption that is ecclesiologically problematic. The Holy Spirit is always active in the Church. The Holy Spirit did not leave with the end of the Western Patristic era, only to fly back into Holy Mother Church once “good Pope John” opened one of his vaunted windows. The Holy Spirit was also active in the Church in the medieval, Renaissance, and post-Tridentine eras. The liturgical development of that time cannot just simply be cast off because it didn’t exist before A.D. 500.
It’s interesting that, in his attempt to jettison the idea that where you put the tabernacle has something to do with Eucharistic devotion, Winters appeals to medieval times, quoting liturgist Timothy O’Malley that “‘there were high degrees of eucharistic devotion in the Middle Ages and it was not focused on the placement of the tabernacle.’” Well, you can’t have it both ways: the Ecclesia quinque saeculis is normative but just look how devoted those medieval Catholics were!
So, yes, there is a historical contradiction here, but I will suggest the problem lies more deeply elsewhere: an allergy to the reserved Sacrament.
Liturgists who want to shunt the tabernacle off to the sidelines usually also love to insist that the early Church did not reserve the Blessed Sacrament in the church but perhaps kept some of the sacred species for Viaticum in the priest’s residence. Yes, devotion to the abiding presence of Christ in the Blessed Sacrament came slowly and flowered in the Middle Ages—perhaps because, during periods of persecution where churches did not exist, the architecture did not facilitate that development.
But it did develop and it did flourish, to the point that tabernacles came into existence, were made ever more noble, were put in churches, and eventually—horror of horrors!—made “the central focal point of the sanctuary.” To overturn that process is to say that the Holy Spirit had a hiatus until the Annibale Bugninis of the world came along with new design plans in the 1960s. If that sounds risible, it’s because it is.
Altar and reserved Sacrament are not antinomies. Pace Winters, who complains, “[t]he tabernacle competes with the altar of sacrifice for the eye’s attention,” there is no competition. Yes, the altar is where the Eucharist takes place. But the Eucharist persists after Mass, and that reality is not insignificant and certainly not less important than the altar on which it was confected. The practical consequences of the “either/or” mentality of 1960s liturgists and their architects of church “renewal” are far more akin to Protestantism than a Catholic sense.
Finally, one last observation—about the bishop’s chair. Winters seems upset that, in the re-renovation, the cathedra was displaced in Norwich by the tabernacle, the chair now on the side of the sanctuary from which the bishop “has to step forward several feet” to lead prayers. I cannot say I regret that. Christ is the central focus, not His alter Christus. The new Mariology loves to speak of Our Lady as “first disciple.” Maybe, like the humble Mary, His Grace might better be on the side.
This, indeed, remains a criticism of the Novus Ordo more broadly: the prominence of the priest to the point that the liturgy almost inevitably seems to acquire his personality stamp. And I say that as one who welcomes the Novus Ordo and has no sentiment to return to the Extraordinary Form—even though I will not say that everything about the Novus Ordo (including the celebrant’s posture) has stood the test of time. Pardon me if I don’t detect a whiff of a perfume now supposedly out of style: prominent clericalism.
When Iceland Said No to Brussels
So wrote Halldór Laxness in 1933, more than two decades before becoming Iceland’s only Nobel laureate in literature. Ninety-three years later, Icelanders appear to have misplaced some of their famous politeness.
On August 29, 2026, they were asked a modest-sounding question: Should Iceland resume accession negotiations with the European Union?
They were not being asked to join. They were being asked whether Iceland should return to the negotiating table, resume an accession process suspended more than a decade ago, and discover what sort of membership agreement might be available.
The slogan of the ‘Yes’ campaign reduced the proposition to four wonderfully reassuring words: Já til að sjá — Yes, to see.
As if there was a box of chocolates on the EU negotiating table. You never know what you are going to get if you don’t look, right? Why not look? Why not listen? Why not negotiate?
Icelanders’ answer was a resounding Nei.
By 52.8% to 47.2 %, Iceland rejected the proposal to resume accession negotiations, amid a turnout of 82.5%t. Reykjavík supported reopening the talks; the rest of the country did not.
Supporters of renewed negotiations repeatedly emphasized the referendum was not formally a vote on EU membership. A ‘Yes’ would not have put Iceland into the European Union, merely reopened negotiations, allowing Icelanders to examine the eventual agreement before making a final decision. But describing the choice as merely a decision about whether to negotiate understates what was at stake.
Iceland’s modern history is one of acquiring sovereignty and then defending it. After centuries of foreign rule, Iceland obtained home rule from Denmark in 1904, became a sovereign state in 1918, and established the republic in 1944.
Within living memory, Iceland was prepared to confront Britain—one of its closest allies—in the Cod Wars in order to establish control over the waters surrounding the island.
Eighty-two years after establishing their republic, Icelanders were being asked whether to reopen a process whose successful conclusion would ultimately require their country to share powers it presently exercises nationally with the institutions of the European Union.
Supporters of membership have a serious answer to the sovereignty objection. Iceland already participates extensively in European integration. Through the European Economic Area, it belongs to the EU’s Single Market and implements a substantial body of EU legislation, yet it has neither representatives in the European Parliament nor a vote in the Council when that legislation is adopted.
Why, they ask, should Iceland continue accepting European rules without obtaining a seat at the table? It is a legitimate question.
Iceland was never outside Europe
This is the first thing foreign readers need to understand about Iceland’s EU debate. The choice has never been between Europe and isolation.
Iceland is a founding member of NATO, belongs to the European Free Trade Association, participates in the Schengen Area, and, since 1994, has participated in the European Economic Area. Through the EEA, Iceland is part of the Single Market, and participates in its four freedoms: the free movement of goods, services, capital and people.
Icelanders already live, study, work and establish businesses throughout the EEA under its free-movement regime. Much of the economic integration commonly associated with EU membership is therefore already part of everyday Icelandic life.
There is an obvious democratic weakness in this arrangement. Much EU legislation relevant to the EEA eventually becomes applicable in Iceland, while Iceland does not vote when the Union adopts that legislation. Iceland participates in expert work and has mechanisms for influencing legislation during its preparation, but it is not an EU member and therefore has no commissioner, no members of the European Parliament, and no vote in the Council.
That is perhaps the most persuasive argument advanced by supporters of full membership: Iceland already pays part of the price of European integration without receiving the political representation of an EU member.
But the EEA is not the European Union. Crucially, it does not incorporate some of the areas in which Iceland has been most determined to retain national control. Iceland is outside the EU customs union and Common Commercial Policy. It retains its own currency and monetary policy. And two areas of enormous economic, cultural and political importance—agriculture and fisheries—remain outside the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy and Common Fisheries Policy.
That is where the apparently simple promise of a “seat at the table” becomes considerably more complicated. Full membership would give Iceland a voice and vote in institutions in which it currently has neither. But it would also extend European integration into areas that Iceland deliberately controls outside the EEA today. The seat does not come free.
The waters Iceland fought for
There is perhaps no worse country in Europe in which to describe fisheries as merely another “policy area” than Iceland.
The sea is inseparable from the country’s history. For centuries, fish meant survival. In the twentieth century, fisheries became the foundation of Iceland’s transformation from one of Europe’s poorest societies into one of its wealthiest. Control over the surrounding waters consequently became almost synonymous with economic independence itself.
Iceland fought hard for that control. Beginning in the 1950s, Iceland progressively extended its exclusive fishing jurisdiction: first to 12 nautical miles, then to 50 and finally, in 1975, to 200. Britain resisted. What followed became known as the Cod Wars, an extraordinary series of confrontations in which a country with no standing army challenged one of the world’s major naval powers over the right to control the fish in the waters surrounding its shores.
British warships protected trawlers operating in the disputed waters. Icelandic Coast Guard vessels cut British trawl wires. Ships rammed one another. Diplomatic relations deteriorated to the point that Iceland threatened to break relations with Britain and even raised the possibility of closing the strategically vital NATO base at Keflavík at the height of the Cold War.
Iceland won. In 1976, Britain accepted Iceland’s 200-nautical-mile fisheries limit. What had begun as a dispute over cod had become something considerably larger: an assertion by a tiny nation that the natural resources surrounding it belonged first and foremost under its own control.
That history makes the European Union question uniquely difficult in Iceland. Iceland today is outside the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy. It manages fisheries within its jurisdiction under Icelandic law, while stocks shared with other countries are necessarily subject to international agreements.
An Iceland that became a member of the European Union would, by contrast, enter the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). Fishing opportunities for stocks governed by the CFP are determined within a common European legal and political framework; the Council sets total allowable catches and allocates fishing opportunities among member states, after which individual states distribute their national allocations domestically.
This distinction is sometimes blurred in Iceland’s EU debate. Membership would not mean that a bureaucrat in Brussels would decide whether an individual fisherman in Ísafjörður may take his boat to sea on Tuesday morning. Member states retain important administrative powers, including the domestic allocation of their fishing opportunities. But neither would Iceland retain the system it has today.
The fundamental legal framework within which those decisions are made would no longer be Iceland’s alone. And no existing EU member state has been granted a permanent exemption allowing it simply to remain outside the Common Fisheries Policy.
That is an important fact in the context of Iceland’s recent history. In 1976, Iceland was prepared to jeopardize relations with Britain and threaten the cohesion of NATO in order to secure national control over its fishing grounds.
Half a century later, Icelanders were asked to reopen negotiations whose successful conclusion would ultimately require those same waters to come within the European Union’s common fisheries regime. One need not regard the European Union as an enemy of Iceland to appreciate the historical significance.
But Iceland will negotiate a special deal…
Supporters of accession frequently answered such objections with a reassuring word: Negotiation. Iceland, we were told, would never accept an agreement that sacrificed its vital interests. Its fisheries are unique. Its geography is unique. Its dependence upon marine resources is unique. Surely Brussels understands that Iceland must therefore receive a unique settlement.
Perhaps it would.
Accession negotiations are negotiations, after all. Transitional arrangements, technical adaptations and country-specific provisions are commonplace. But there is an important difference between negotiating the terms under which European rules will apply and negotiating whether the fundamental rules will apply at all.
The European Union calls the body of rights and obligations binding upon its members the acquis communautaire. Candidate countries are expected to adopt it. The purpose of accession negotiations is not to allow a candidate to select à la carte which fundamental components of EU membership it wishes to accept.
That distinction is especially important in fisheries. There is no precedent for a member state joining the European Union while receiving a permanent general exemption from the Common Fisheries Policy.
Iceland could therefore have negotiated over the details. It could have fought ferociously over fishing opportunities, access arrangements, transitional periods and recognition of Icelandic circumstances. It might even have obtained a better agreement than skeptics expected.
What it could not reasonably have done was begin negotiations by assuming that Iceland would somehow become the first EU member permitted to enjoy full membership while permanently remaining outside one of the Union’s common policies simply because that policy was politically unacceptable at home.
The question was not whether Iceland could negotiate. Of course it could. The question was what Brussels was capable of conceding without ceasing to apply the rules of the Union itself.
Yes, just to see
And that is what makes Saturday’s result more interesting than an ordinary rejection of EU membership. Icelanders did not reject an accession treaty. There was no treaty. They did not reject terms offered by Brussels. There were no terms.
They rejected the proposition that Iceland should reopen the process at all.
The ‘Yes’ campaign understood the difficulty and responded with a clever argument. Já til að sjá did not ask Icelanders to fall in love with the European Union. It did not even require them to decide whether membership was desirable.
Just negotiate. Just see. Then decide. It was politically attractive because it appeared to postpone the difficult question. But perhaps that was also its weakness. For Icelanders had seen it before.
Iceland applied for EU membership in 2009 and negotiations began the following year. They were suspended after the change of government in 2013. The debate over fisheries, agriculture, sovereignty and the euro is not new. Nor is the fundamental structure of the European Union an undiscovered country awaiting an Icelandic expedition.
The geography of the result is difficult to ignore. Reykjavík was the only part of Iceland to vote ‘Yes.’ Outside the capital, the proposal was rejected.
That divide should give pause to anyone tempted to dismiss opposition to membership as mere nostalgia or nationalism. The industries most directly affected by some of the unresolved questions of accession—particularly fisheries and agriculture—are disproportionately located outside the capital.
What may look from Reykjavík like an institutional question about Iceland’s influence in Europe can look very different from a fishing village whose economic existence depends upon decisions about the sea.
Iceland did not reject Europe
The temptation now will be to interpret the result as evidence that Iceland has turned its back on Europe. It has done nothing of the sort.
As noted, Iceland remains deeply integrated with Europe through the EEA. It remains in Schengen. It remains a member of NATO and EFTA. Icelanders will continue to live, work, study, trade and travel throughout Europe.
The referendum did not ask whether Iceland was European but whether Iceland wished to restart the process of becoming a member of the European Union. Those are not the same question.
There is something almost wonderfully Icelandic about the result. A nation of fewer than 400,000 people, sitting on a volcanic island in the North Atlantic, was invited to reopen negotiations with a political and economic union of more than 450 million people.
The proposition was deliberately modest. Nobody was asking Iceland to sign away anything. Nobody was asking Iceland to adopt the euro. Nobody was asking Iceland to hand its fisheries to Brussels. Iceland was simply being invited back into the room.
Yes, just to see.
Which brings us back to Halldór Laxness. In 1933 he mocked his countrymen for their remarkable willingness to endure domination politely—to kiss the rod that struck them and convince themselves that whoever wielded it was really their protector.
Ninety-three years later, Iceland was offered no rod at all. Only a chair. A chair at the negotiating table. Icelanders looked at it. And decided they were perfectly comfortable standing.
Nei.




