Le Pen Verdict Exposes European Power Paradox

We see the same thing in the Church today. Francis has the power to do many things for which he has neither the authority nor the right to do.

From The European Conservative

By Lt Col (Ret) F. Andrew Wolf, Jr, PhD

The more the establishment employs repressive measures to remain in power, the more its authority and legitimacy decline.

Two weeks ago in France, Marine Le Pen was found guilty in the so-called fictitious aides case. The Rassemblement National politician was sentenced to four years in prison and banned from political office for five. Without waiting for an appeal the ban took effect immediately, preventing the frontrunner in the 2027 presidential election from candidacy.

To preserve at least the facade of the country’s ‘democracy,’ some French politicians have already called upon President Emmanuel Macron to pardon Le Pen. Prime Minister François Bayrou reportedly expressed “shock,” admitting privately to aides, “France is the only country that does this.”

Yet, France is not the only EU country to use its courts as a weapon. Anti-establishment figures have seen their political gains suppressed through tactics reminiscent of hybrid autocracies. 

This form of legal repression has gained momentum amongst EU states. Romania’s top court recently canceled the first round of its presidential election. This was followed by the detention and questioning of right-wing politician Cǎlin Georgescu, the leading candidate in the election—followed by a ban on his candidacy.

Germany is no exception as it appears destined for the same political chicanery. The emerging coalition government between the CDU/CSU and SPD is drafting legislation that will bar from political activity anyone who is convicted of “incitement to hatred.” Though not stated categorically, the legislation is designed to target those the ruling elite (out of fear of their popularity) label as “far-right”—the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) political party.

The motivation for these less-than-democratic actions lies deep within the paranoia of the ruling elite. ‘Far-right’ parties across the EU increasingly challenge the bloc’s policies—including the European integration project itself. These political forces have openly called for a move away from globalization and a return to the Westphalian model of nation-state sovereignty.

Several of these parties labeled ‘far right,’ including Le Pen’s National Rally and Germany’s AfD, have moved toward the political center. While their interest is in broadening their political appeal, Europe’s political elite fear them as being disruptive of  the ”European Garden.”

Western European bureaucrats and established ruling elites are deeply unsettled by the rising popularity of these emerging parties. The former have benefited enormously from the EU’s expansion and centralization of authority for over half a century. And the members of the ruling class in Brussels are unwilling to surrender their privileged status peacefully. The ground beneath them is shifting, and they will do whatever it takes to preserve their power through the status quo.

Yet, herein lies the paradox: the more the establishment employs repressive measures to remain in power, the more its authority and legitimacy decline. The EU’s foundational ideals rest upon liberal democracy, the sanctity of institutions, and rules-based order. When the establishment removes opposition candidates who threaten their power, it undermines the very basis upon which the European Union was founded.

The surge of Europe’s ‘far right’ has not emerged in a vacuum. Its popularity is a function of the existing leadership’s chronic inability to respond adequately to the needs of its citizens. Attempting to remove the ‘competition’ is not the solution. Frustration is a powerful motivator. Discontented voters will ineluctably seek alternative venues (including political parties) to express their dislikes. And this is even more likely once voter grievances are compounded by deep mistrust of the political establishment.

Romania’s recent experience makes the point. After the scandal involving the canceled election, Cǎlin Georgescu’s popularity surged dramatically in the polls—from 23% to 40%. Once Georgescu was banned from seeking political office, voters themselves quickly switched to another ‘far-right’ candidate, George-Nicolae Simion, and much to the chagrin of Brussels, he is now leading the race. 

This scenario of Brussels betrays a rather dangerous comedy of errors. And it could soon be replicated in France, Germany, and other EU states. Authorities are targeting opposition figures with what amounts to sheer repression of voter choice.

Western European leaders are demonstrably concerned with what is happening around them. Yet, their response to the situation remains terribly flawed. The EU elite seem bent on preserving the Union by exploiting citizens’ fears—of global instability, military threats, and economic upheaval. Their solution: continued financial support for Ukraine, joint military initiatives, and endless summits leading nowhere. Billions of euros ($860 billion recently proposed) continue to be allocated to armament and defense and away from the domestic needs and wishes of the people.

But none of these initiatives deal with the real issues underlying the bloc’s deepening political crisis—economic stagnation, deteriorating living standards, mass immigration concerns, and diminishing confidence in Europe’s globalist governance mentality. The EU’s inability (or abject refusal) to redress these fundamental issues continues to foster disillusionment of the populace.

Intransigence is not the answer to Europe’s problems. As long as Brussels clings desperately to power through authoritarian means, their methods and the power structures they serve will remain under assault.